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If American voters are looking for a sharp contrast between the parties on reproductive rights, I have some good news for the electorate.
Two weeks ago, for example, Donald Trump dangled the prospect of a national abortion ban, which he’s prepared to consider if voters return him to the White House. Today, in contrast, Vice President Kamala Harris will become the first official ever elected to national office to visit an abortion clinic.
Let no one say the parties are basically the same, especially on this issue.
Away from national spotlight, the political machinations are every bit as notable. Politico reported a couple of days ago, for example, that prominent opponents of reproductive rights are pushing Republicans to oppose protections for in vitro fertilization, and the same day, Axios reported that House GOP leaders invited leading anti-abortion activists to join the Republican conference for its annual retreat.
A day later, The Wall Street Journal reported that party leaders are pushing their colleagues not to shy away from their opposition to abortion rights.
A memo prepared by House Republicans’ campaign arm and viewed by The Wall Street Journal says Republicans have a “brand problem, not a policy problem,” as their reluctance to discuss the issue left it to Democrats to define where the GOP stood. Many voters view the party’s hopefuls as opposing abortion under any circumstances, when there are actually a variety of positions held by candidates, particularly in swing districts, the memo states.
The article added that the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) is encouraging candidates to “confidently articulate” their stances.
The idea that the GOP has a “brand problem, not a policy problem” when it comes to abortion is not altogether new — there was some related chatter along these lines last year — but it’s an assertion that’s difficult to take seriously.
In fact, I more or less assumed that Republicans would know better by now. In August 2022, for example — a couple of months after Republican-appointed Supreme Court justices overturned Roe v. Wade — Democrats flipped Alaska’s U.S. House seat. A week later, in a New York congressional special election in which the National Republican Congressional Committee effectively guaranteed success, Democrats celebrated another key win.
The 2022 midterms, meanwhile, were a history-defying success story for Democrats, thanks in part to the focus on reproductive rights, and on Election Day 2023, the party scored big wins in Kentucky and Virginia. (In Virginia, in particular, GOP officials were certain they’d finally figured out how to properly deal with the abortion issue. They lost soon after.)
And did I mention the Wisconsin state Supreme Court election? And the abortion rights votes in Ohio and Kansas? Because they’re directly relevant to this conversation, too.
To hear some Republicans tell it, these defeats can be chalked up to poor messaging. Voters would be more comfortable with GOP officials imposing governmental restrictions on Americans’ reproductive rights, the argument goes, if only the party could come up with compelling rhetoric on the subject. It's an idea rooted in the assumption that abortion bans could theoretically be popular — or at least politically palatable — with the right sales pitch.
Between the latest election results and the latest polling, Democrats will be very fortunate if Republicans move forward in the coming months with these misguided assumptions.