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Melissa Harris-Perry, Transcript 08/09/15

Guests: Antonio French, Marc Steiner, Jelani Cobb, Phillip Atiba Goff, Dr.Jacqui Lewis, Marva Robinson, Dante Barry, Tef Poe, Pamela Bosley, MichaelPersoon

MELISSA HARRIS-PERRY, CNN: This morning, my question, how has policing changed since Ferguson? Plus my exclusive interview with Attorney General Loretta Lynch, and the stars of "Straight Outta Compton" come to nerdland. But first, it happened one year ago today. Good morning, I`m Melissa Harris-Perry. Today is August 9th. One year ago today Michael Brown was walking home from a convenience store in Ferguson, Missouri. Ferguson, Missouri, where 67 percent of the residents are black, but five of its six city councilmembers were white. Ferguson, Missouri, where the school systems and neighborhoods were racially segregated and the police force was nearly entirely white. Ferguson, Missouri, just miles from St. Louis where Dread Scott sued for ownership of his own life and was told by the Supreme Court in 1857 that black people, quote, "had no rights" which the white man was bound to respect. Michael Brown was walking home in Ferguson. He was 18, he was unarmed. He was black. Little past noon, Michael Brown was dead, shot to death in an encounter with a white police officer, Darren Wilson. After he was killed, Michael Brown`s body was left face down in the street for four hours. The next night the community held the candlelight vigil, some protesters destroyed property. The next night police met the still grieving and angry community with riot gear, tear gas and rubber bullets. Within the week, nightly unrest grew, police presence became more visibly militarized and the Missouri governor declared a state of emergency. Try to remember just how shocking those images were last year. How none of us could be sure how deep and far this confrontation would go. Try to remember Governor Nixon declaring a curfew as through drawing a line in the sand. Try to recall the National Guard arriving, the military vehicles in an American city, the shock and the voices of reporters as they tried to shield their eyes from the burning effects of tear gas, all because Michael Brown was 18, he was unarmed, and walking home, and then he was dead. To many it felt as if there was no justice and if there would be no justice, there would be no peace. Then something shifted. On August 18th, nine days after Michael Brown was shot and killed, President Obama announced that the Justice Department had opened a civil rights investigation into the death of Michael Brown, and that Attorney General Eric Holder would be in Ferguson by midweek. When Holder arrived in Ferguson, he made it clear that he was both the attorney general and as he told residents, also a black man, he met with students, with community leaders, with beleaguered Missouri State Highway Patrol Captain Ron Johnson and with the family of Michael Brown. When he left, the National Guard left with him and a relative calm settled back over the city. The DOJ isn`t capable of wholly eliminating justice or reversing the pernicious effects of inequality but that visit to Ferguson was a reminder of the extraordinary often latent power of the Department of Justice. Attorney General Robert Kennedy used this power in 1962 when he sent federal troops to Oxford, Mississippi, to enforce desegregation of ole miss and when he deployed investigators to find the bodies and prosecute the murders of three civil rights workers in Mississippi. The DOJ unleashed this power in March, 2015 with the release of their scathing, comprehensive report on Ferguson, Missouri, a report that stated clearly the Ferguson Police Department has, quote, "a pattern of unconstitutional stops and arrests in violation of the fourth amendment" and a pattern of first amendment violations and a pattern of excessive force. This report is released just seven weeks before the day Loretta Lynch became our nation`s 83rd attorney general, and the country`s first African- American woman to serve in the role, a day when just miles away from her swearing in, in Baltimore, Baltimore erupted in anger and grief over the death of another unarmed black man after an encounter with police, Freddie Gray. On the day she became attorney general, Loretta Lynch, asserted that we, quote, "can restore trust and faith both in our laws and in those of us who enforce them." AG Lynch has made equitable policing a central tenant of her DOJ agenda and has started a national community policing tour. This week I sat down with the attorney general for an exclusive interview. (BEGIN VIDEOTAPE) HARRIS-PERRY: A year after the death of Michael Brown, after all of the sort of work of the "Black Lives Matter Movement," after that, has anything changed in the patterns and practices of the Ferguson Police Department? LORETTA LYNCH, U.S. ATTORNEY GENERAL: Certainly the Ferguson Police Department has changed dramatically, but I believe that they are actually still undergoing a great change. We have opened a pattern of practice investigation into them over a year ago. Those results were announced by my predecessor, Eric Holder, with the findings that we made that not only was there unconstitutional policing, but that there was also a pattern of the municipality using the fine system to generate revenue, not in a productive way for the citizens. I think actually a lot of things have changed since Ferguson. I think that the importance of that report was that it showed the world what people in Ferguson and similar situations have been saying for years but they just weren`t believed. Because it was outside the consciousness or outside the reality of people who didn`t share the situation or didn`t share their background, or hadn`t had those experiences happen to them. So I think it opened the eyes of America and frankly, the world, to what many minorities are saying when they talk about feeling a level of disrespect and a lack of inclusion in their own government, particularly at the municipal level. Certainly it was manifested in the police department of Ferguson, but we saw it through so many other departments as well. Now, we have been in talks with the city. We have proposed a consent decree to them where an active negotiation and we proposed things that we think will actually help them. Not only run their town in a way that is efficient and safe for the residents, but is constitutional and addresses these important concerns. So I think that a lot has changed since Mr. Brown`s tragic death. Certainly our hearts still go out to his family because when you lose a child, time really stops. It`s a year, but I`m sure for them it still feels as if it`s 5 minutes ago, and that`s a pain that doesn`t go away. But out of that, it is really our hope that we can illuminate the conditions that led to the tensions that existed not just after Mr. Brown`s death and the riots but long before that. HARRIS-PERRY: I want to quote a little something that you said in the case of Sandra Bland. You said that it highlights the concern of many in the black community that a routine stop is not handled with the same professionalism and courtesy that many other people get from the police. Sandra Bland`s family wants the Department of Justice to investigate her death. Do you have plans to do so? LYNCH: Well at the moment, the investigation is still being handled by local authorities, but the FBI has been monitoring that matter since the beginning, so we are receiving reports. Right now, it`s still an open matter in the case of the Texas authorities, so I`m really not able to comment on that. We`re monitoring it and we`ll see what, if anything, we need to do. HARRIS-PERRY: You talk about professionalism and courtesy, the experience that individuals have when they encounter police officers. What do you hear from police officers themselves about this? LYNCH: I am hearing a fascinating story from law enforcement in this country as part of my six-city community policing tour. I`ve chosen cities specifically that have had negative interactions or relationships between the police and the community, and have come out on the other side. They`ve had a police shooting similar to recent ones. They`ve had the department come in and impose a pattern of practice investigation upon them with findings of unconstitutionality so they have essentially been at the idea of where a department can be in relation to the community. And I`ve chosen those cities because they`ve all worked along with the community and with the government officials to repair that relationship. I would say that the change in the police view has really been dramatic and one that they cite as positive. When I was talking with the officers in East Haven, Connecticut, they talked about how their focus had shifted from simply counting of numbers, statistics, how many arrests did you make this month, how many stops did you make this month. That kind of policing to a view of how have you engaged with the community and how have you made the community which is in East Haven, Connecticut, not just African-American but also Hispanic and white, how have you made the community feel safer? How have you made the minority community know that you are here to protect them also? And they talk, frankly, about the gratitude that they get from the community and how that makes them feel, and how it has expanded their view of what policing is, particularly for younger officers who are coming in to policing now. Many of them come into it with that very mind set. When I ask police officers how long have you been on the force, you know, they range from one year, two years, 12, 20, why do you want to be a police officer? They will tell me the most compelling stories about wanting to protect their own communities, about particularly the minority officers seeing friends and family members go down a very negative path with law enforcement and wanting to be in a position to intervene and create a positive interaction or positive relationship. So when I`m talking to officers now, it`s actually very gratifying to see that after some of the most difficult and challenging cases we put together, we can get to a place where the police in the community can work together on these matters. These are not perfect situations. Many of the cities, Cincinnati for example, still continue to have interactions that have resulted in fatalities, but what we`re looking for is a community police interaction that sets up a process by which community members feel that their voices are heard. They`re taken into account, they`re respected, and in which police officers feel that they know the community, they understand the community`s fears and concerns, and that they`re orienting policing towards those concerns specifically and not in some general way of just racking up numbers. (END VIDEOTAPE) HARRIS-PERRY: Stay right there. Coming up, more of my interview with the attorney general and how she defines justice. Also later in the program, we`re coming straight out of nerdland with the stars of "Straight Out of Compton." (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: Loretta Lynch grew up in the Jim Crow South eventually working as a school librarian and marrying a fourth generation Baptist preacher named Lorenzo. Six years before the passage of the Voting Rights Act, they had a daughter, Loretta who would go on to become the chief law enforcement officer of the nation. Loretta Elizabeth Lynch went from high school valedictorian to Harvard graduate where she was a charter member of the first black sorority on campus, Delta Sigma Theta and then on to Harvard Law. Her impressive legal career includes being U.S. attorney of the eastern district of New York, special counsel to the prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and a partner at the law firm, Hogan and Harsted where she met her future husband, Steven. Lynch prosecuted police officers for the beating and sexual assault of Admiral Louiema and indicted top FIFA officials for bribery and corruption. In November of 2014, she was nominated by President Obama to be the next attorney general of the United States. She was sworn into office, the first black woman to hold the post with Frederick Douglas` bible. More of my interview with the attorney general is next. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: On Wednesday the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals issued a ruling on Texas` Voter I.D. Bill, one of the strictest in the country finding that it has a discriminatory effect in violation of Section Two of the Voting Rights Act. The decision is a victory for voting rights advocates following the Supreme Court`s decision to strike down Section Four of the act in 2013. In my interview this week, I asked Attorney General Loreta Lynch about protecting voting rights and how she defines justice. (BEGIN VIDEOTAPE) HARRIS-PERRY: Yesterday as we were marking the 50th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act as you were concluding your remarks you said, "We cannot guarantee the absence of discrimination or the end of ill will, but we can guarantee the presence of justice." What is justice? LYNCH: You know, justice can mean a lot of different things for a lot of different people. I think that to find the true definition of justice, you need to talk to someone who feels most aggrieved at the time and see what it is that they truly need. And I`ve spent a lot of time talking to people who do feel aggrieved by their government, by law enforcement, by actions that law enforcement has taken against them, and they`ve suffered a loss of a life or they`ve simply have had a very negative interaction. I`ve also spent a lot of time talking to the victims of crime who have come to me seeking justice even when there`s no racial component. That loss, that sense that someone has failed them is very, very sharp and keen. And people have said to me consistently, obviously they may want a certain verdict or a certain result, but what they said to me consistently is they want to be heard. They want their loss to be seen as important, and they want the criminal justice system to investigate the loss they have suffered. Whether it`s a child, a brother, a parent, whatever it is, they want that investigation to be done thoroughly, efficiently, and as transparently as possible because they want that process that they feel that other people take for granted. People want to be heard and want to be respected. When I talk to families and sometimes had to deliver news that we may not be able to bring charges or the charges that we`re bringing may not be what they had anticipated. They will often say to me obviously we`re disappointed, but we appreciate you shared with us what`s happening at every step along the way. People want to know that their government looks out for them, that the role of law enforcement in my view is to protect and it is to serve. And everyone wants to have that feeling that when they are in trouble, they can call upon law enforcement or their government to help them and that they`ll be listened to. HARRIS-PERRY: The one really big headline win that occurred this week for the Department of Justice comes out of Texas. LYNCH: Yes, it does. HARRIS-PERRY: And it is a win around the Voting Rights Act. LYNCH: Yes. HARRIS-PERRY: That despite all of the challenges of the split decision, there`s still some teeth left in this thing with Section Two. Is section two sufficient for protecting voting rights in this country? LYNCH: Well, obviously Section Five was very important. The pre-clearance provision of the Voting Rights Act allowed the department to review potential changes to laws and to determine whether or not they were going to have unconstitutional effect. And frankly, it saved countless resources, not just for the Department, but for municipalities who would have had to defend against cases they ultimately would have had to realize still need to be modified. So it was a very helpful tool, not just for the department, but frankly for the country. Obviously that`s a loss, a blow, but not a death nail to the Voting Rights Act. We still review those actions. We now look at them in the context of the impact as well as the intent behind them where we have evidence that there`s a discriminatory intent as we put forth in the Texas case so our enforcement of the Voting Rights Act will continue to be vigorous and continue to be strong and in-depth. We will do all that we can to protect this most fundamental American right. HARRIS-PERRY: So you are still relatively new in your tenure as the attorney general, but someday you will pass the baton to the next attorney general. What is the legacy that you want to leave? LYNCH: Well, the legacy that I want to leave is one of inclusion, of one of advancing my main goals of protecting the most vulnerable members of our society and making sure that everyone has a voice and understands that the Department of Justice`s main goal is the protection of the American people and I want to make that real for people. I want to make that real for the individual, so that the next attorney general inherits a department that is looked upon as one that is not only supportive of individuals, but is one where they can turn to when they are, when people feel like there`s no one listening to them or when they feel like there`s something threatening them. HARRIS-PERRY: Recently the first lady was asked what job she would like to have if she weren`t first lady and she responded Beyonce. LYNCH: Great job. HARRIS-PERRY: I wanted to ask you the same question, if you were not attorney general, what job would you want to have? LYNCH: Well, you know, if I actually had not been attorney general, or even a lawyer I probably would have been a journalist, and that`s the job that I would want to have. That was actually my first goal was to be a journalist, because I find people fascinating. I find their stories fascinating. And I think that the combination for me has been the fact that both through journalism and through law you take someone that society or the world may overlook and their voice gets to be heard. As a law enforcement officer, I can take a victim who is going to, may feel that they`ve been ignored or no one is listening to them, and say yes, someone is listening to you. I initially wanted to be a journalist, and that`s what I perceived, in college I worked with friends on a student television show and did interviews around the Boston Cambridge area about public interest issues and student issues. And ended up having internship at one of the networks for summer, and was always torn between law and journalism, and ultimately decided that I could be, I felt, more effective as a lawyer in doing that. And I thought maybe I would combine the two and do communications or first amendment law, but was always drawn toward the issue of opening up the system for people who may have felt locked out, you know, opening up the process for people who either didn`t understand it or felt that it wasn`t there for them. (END VIDEOTAPE) HARRIS-PERRY: I want to thank the attorney general for taking the time to speak with me this week. You`ll be able to read more of my interview in "Essence" magazine in September. Still to come, my interview with the stars of one of the summer`s most anticipated movies "Straight Out of Compton." (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: Chicago has one of the country`s highest rates of homicide by gun violence and it takes its toll on the communities of color. In 2012, 75 percent of gun deaths victims in Chicago were black or Latino and despite having some of the nation`s strictest gun laws, the city struggles to keep firearms from flooding in. The 2014 report by the city found that four gun dealers near the city border, three in the suburbs and one in Gary, Indiana, provided 20 percent of the guns recovered in crime scenes by police between 2009 and 2013. Two Chicago moms who lost their teenage sons to gun violence have decided to do something about it. They are joining local activists in suing the three suburbs for allegedly not having tough enough gun laws and they`re using an unconventional legal tactic. They arguing that these laws or the lack thereof constitute a civil rights violation, specifically the cause of the Illinois Civil Rights Act targeting institutions that, quote, "utilize criteria or methods of administration that have the effect of subjecting individuals to discrimination because of their race, color, national origin or gender." We`ve reached out to the villages for comment. The attorney for the village of Lincolnwood said, "We don`t diminish the importance of the issue of gun violence, however, they are operating within the wrong forum in their efforts to address the issue. There`s no law adopted by the village alleged to be unconstitutional or unlawful. The plaintiff would like the village to adopt new laws that may or may not have second amendment implications but you don`t ask the court to do that. And the statement from the village of Lyons says they have, quote, "not been served or seen the lawsuit so we cannot comment on the specific allegations in the lawsuit. However, it is obvious the city is looking to pass the blame onto outside communities and businesses for the crimes and shortcomings in dealing with the crimes in neighborhoods within the city of Chicago." The village of Riverdale did not respond to requests for comment. Joining me now from Chicago one of the moms filing the lawsuit, Pamela Bosley, and her attorney, Michael Persoon. Ms. Bosley, can I start with you? Can you tell me a little bit about your son, Terrell, and how he was lost? PAMELA BOSLEY, SON KILLED BY GUN VIOLENCE: My son, Terrell Bosley, actually was a gospel bass player, a college student. He was working a job, doing all the right things, me and my husband, we did all we could to protect him from gun violence. And on April 4th, 2006, he was at church, came out to help his friend get drums and somebody came by shooting and shot my son and took his life. Since then the music stop, his life was ended and mine was, too. But just to tell you a little bit about Terrell. When Terrell walked into the room he`ll light up a room. He had friends, family, he loved his family, you know, his siblings, his mom, of course, me and he was a good child, doing everything right and positive. HARRIS-PERRY: So when I hear that story, Mr. Persoon, it`s a hard one to hear, a young man who wasn`t even targeted. He was standing at his church. You have parents who were doing everything right. Help me to understand how this lawsuit might keep this from happening to another young man. MICHAEL PERSOON, ATTORNEY FOR PAMELA BOSLEY: Sure, Melissa, thanks. One thing that this lawsuit is designed to do is to try to stop or reduce the flow of illegal guns or flow of guns to the wrong people in Chicago. The numbers are just outrageous when you look at how many guns are being used in Chicago. It`s unlawful uses of guns, not lawful. These three villages that were suing, when you look at the shops within their borders, the number of guns is outstanding. You know, one report showed that between 1999 and 2003, I think it was, roughly 2500 guns from these three villages were recovered in Chicago crime scenes. Each one of those guns is a problem that we need to stop. HARRIS-PERRY: So explain to me how it is that you can target municipalities as opposed to individual gun sellers in this case. PERSOON: Sure, Melissa. Now you talked about the Illinois civil Rights Act and Section Five of that act creates a legal obligation, it says that units of local government in the state of Illinois can`t have criterias or method of administration that have the effect of subjecting persons to discrimination because of their race. It`s a very broad standard. It doesn`t tell you specifically what you have to do but it says you can`t have rules or law, can`t enforce rules or laws in a way that disproportionately impacts people because of race. What led to this lawsuit is whatever these villages are doing it`s not stopping the flow of guns to being used for crimes and unlawful purposes in Chicago and primarily African-American neighborhoods on the southwest side of Chicago. So they have to do something more. HARRIS-PERRY: Miss Bosley obviously your son is gone, but what would justice look like for you now? BOSLEY: What I`m looking for is we have to stop the flow of guns coming into our city, killing our black kids. Just this year, we had 1700 people shot and 290 homicides, murders. We have to do something about the gun flows that`s taking over our neighborhoods. We hear gunshots all the time. So that`s why we are going after the villages on the outside of Chicago that`s allowing these guns to take over our streets. HARRIS-PERRY: Thank you to Pamela Bosley, the work you are doing is a great way of continuing to parent your beloved son, despite the fact that he is gone and thank you to Michael Persoon in Chicago. Up next, the stars of "Straight Outta Compton" are coming to nerdland. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: In the late 1980s, black America was struck by the double forces of economic key industrialization, which eliminated millions of working class jobs were created and massive investment in job training and food and housing assistance ushered in by the Reagan administration. Poverty, crime, drugs and urban decay became the structural realities in which much of black America lived, which is part of why the voices of Ice Cube, Dr. Dre and Easy E. became among the most influential rap voices of all time. NWA refused to be silent about the devastating consequences of racism and systemic disinvestment while asserting their first amendment right to make art their own way. NWA released their debut album "Straight Outta Compton" in 1988 and were swiftly labeled the world`s most dangerous group. The song that caught the attention of the FBI was of course "At The Police," which was unyielding in its criticism of police brutality, but even as NWA pushed back against racial inequality, they deepened sexism and misogyny. Founding member, Dr. Dre was accused in several cases of assault against women including one case in which Dre attacked Dee Barnes, a young woman rap show host. In late 1989, Ice Cube left the group. In 1992, Dr. Dre left as well. The three rappers embarked on solo rap careers. In 1995, Easy E died of complications related to AIDS. Ice Cube went on to become a film actor in a number of family friendly movies and Dr. Dre became a super producer and has a reported net worth nearing $1 billion. It is these deeply imperfect men whose artistry intervened at a deeply troubling moment in America who are the subjects of the new film "Straight Outta Compton," which is produced by our parent company, Universal. I was joined in studio recently by O`Shea Jackson Jr. who plays Ice Cube, Cory Hawkins who plays Dre and Jason Mitchell who plays Easy E in "Straight Outta Compton." We began by asking Jackson about how he prepared to portray his father on screen. (BEGIN VIDEOTAPE) O`SHEA JACKSON JR., ACTOR, "STRAIGHT OUTTA COMPTON": It was a two-year process of auditioning before I got considered for a chemistry test where I met these guys and Universal selected -- HARRIS-PERRY: We got to pause and dig into that. There`s going to be a lot of people watching, this didn`t take you no two years to get a role to play your father. You should have walked into it. JACKSON: Not a studio like Universal isn`t going to appease to nepotism just to please a producer and Gary Gray has put his name on this movie. This is a big time film that could make or break him. He`s not going to just let it go to just appease his friends so they put me through the ringer and all that hard work is building confidence within me, if they needed me I`d do it again. HARRIS-PERRY: So I love the way that you portray Cube in those moments. It feels very familiar to me, the Ice Cube I remember from the music that I know and also the portrayal of Dre who is very different now, the person who is Dre now and who has been in the game such a long time. COREY HAWKINS, ACTOR, "STRAIGHT OUTTA COMPTON": Right. HARRIS-PERRY: How do you enter into and find that Dre at that moment? HAWKINS: That`s a great question. I was lucky enough to just have him on set every single day. I remember the first time I met him, we all went out to dinner and we didn`t talk about the movie at all. We got to know each other as people first and we actually have a lot in common in terms of parallels in our lives and the drive and determination. And I hope to one day become a genius like him and do what he`s doing. But we were given sort of all the tools we need. We had, I had to learn how to deejay and produce for this film. I`ve never done that before. I was also coming, you know, from Juilliard and Shakespeare and Broadway and going to Compton, I grew up in D.C. so that music sort of represented, you know, that era, sort of a national thing, a worldwide thing, anybody could relate to it. HARRIS-PERRY: Let`s take a listen to a moment in the film between the characters who are Dre and Easy E. (VIDEO CLIP) HARRIS-PERRY: So that moment is beautifully acted, but there`s maybe nothing quite like having to capture the death of Easy E. JASON MITCHELL, ACTOR, "STRAIGHT OUTTA COMPTON": There were things that I had I think bottled up and so many things that I could, that I had to kind of add to the circumstances already, you know what I mean, because it was `95, it was somebody who didn`t think that you could get AIDS like that. It was taboo at that time, you know what I mean? He was an example for a lot of people, a lot of people didn`t even consider AIDS real for somebody who wasn`t homosexual at the time, you know, so for him to be in that position at all, to have to take that serious. It was heavy circumstances and your girl is pregnant, you know what I mean, things about to happen. Good things about to happen. Lot of things went bad, but in that period of time, good things were about to happen. So there was, there were a lot of layers in the scenes, and I`m very thankful for Gary Gray for making me feel that safe to pull out all my creative guns, you know what I mean and it really came across pretty well. HARRIS-PERRY: Because we felt that loss. I mean, let me just say as someone who graduated from college in `94, that loss in real time in `95 when that happened, we felt it in a real way and you were able to capture it. MITCHELL: Thank you. HARRIS-PERRY: I basically play nothing but NWA on my iPod for about three days as I was prepping because I was thinking through it about you all and I was wondering is that the only thing you`re playing on the set? Were you playing any of today`s music or only NWA on set? MITCHELL: We were playing NWA, but we were playing a lot of old music. HARRIS-PERRY: By old you mean the music of my generation -- classic. (CROSSTALK) HARRIS-PERRY: Let`s listen to Ice Cube and Dre talking about passing the torch to a new generation of artists. (VIDEO CLIP) HARRIS-PERRY: I have been in an on-going fight with one of my producers whether or not today`s hip-hop which even that which is meant to have a message can hold a candle to the `90s. So just work through that with me. JACKSON: My -- my father`s philosophy on this whole thing is that at a certain point in the `90s, all the media outlets as far as, you know, rap goes, at a certain point knocked out the artist who had, you know, something to say or were speaking on political issues, if you will. And it turned into, you know, the money music, the rams and that starts to get played on the radio only, and so those who want a career in music think that this is the model of which they should go, and so that, you know, begins to really filter out all those groups that have something to say that are speaking to the people in a different manner. You still have artists today, Kendrick is one of them, J. Cole, Sean. They got something to say. They`re working to inspire, speaking on issues. They as artists find a balance within it and you know, that makes them stand out. HARRIS-PERRY: Let`s take a look at a scene in the film, which really gets to the heart of these ideas. (VIDEO CLIP) HARRIS-PERRY: What I love the most is watching you guys watch this film. JACKSON: We already established we can`t sit next to each other at the premiere. HARRIS-PERRY: I think you must sit next to each other at the premiere. JACKSON: We`re yelling too much. HAWKINS: Fans, man, fans of them and fans of each other, we`re fans of the work and Gary and everybody that went into making this film. HARRIS-PERRY: Clearly you had a great time actually making the film. MITCHELL: Absolutely. Absolutely, they had some moving times that I clearly remember. One time we had, we rapped after scooting Skateland and we come outside, sunglasses on, you know, just a really, really good time. And to see that many people especially black people in a majority in one space and it`s all good vibes. Everybody is all smiles. JACKSON: The morale on set was so high that everything from our performances is our support team and just the natural camaraderie we have with each other. The five of us are brothers. We have a brotherhood working on here. HARRIS-PERRY: You guys are still really young and I wonder do you realize what you`ve done here, like the cultural product that is NWA their music is one thing, but now you all have participated in it. You have now created this thing which is going to mean across the world so much to so many people. So you now are part of the big story that is NWA. That is huge. HAWKINS: Gary used to say to us on set you guys are making history about a group that made history. Those words always resonated, always came with a little bit of pressure, but it`s funny, when we talk to Dre, they were just having fun. They wanted to be hood stars, they wanted to make music for the neighborhood and they ended up touching a nerve and they pushed their foot on the gas and went forward. That`s what we hope to do with this. (END VIDEOTAPE) HARRIS-PERRY: Coming up, the cast talks about making a movie about NWA in the context of the Ferguson and the "Black Lives Matter Movement." That`s next. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: In my interview with the stars of the new NWA biopic, we talked about the relevance of the ground-breaking hip-hop group in the era of Ferguson and the "Black Lives Matter Movement." The movie "Straight Outta Compton" could be straight out of today`s headlines that seem like this. (BEGIN VIDEOTAPE) (VIDEO CLIP) HARRIS-PERRY: There`s no way to watch that scene as though it is just historical there. You have to watch it in the moment that is Ferguson, that is Texas, that is Ohio. How much was that weighing on your minds as you were making? HAWKINS: Heavily on our minds. There were days when we shot the Detroit riots, when we shut down I think lower Canyon Boulevard in Los Angeles and shot those riots after the Rodney King incident and we would go home and those images that we were shooting were on the TV, so it was eerie. It was eerie. It was really nerve-racking and kind of scary and sort of confusing and, but it just laid in the responsibility that we had to do with this film, you know? HARRIS-PERRY: So then how were people in Compton responding, if you`re there and they were filming, you`re reproducing these painful riots of previous decades even as fresh riots are occurring around the country. What kind of response were you all getting? JACKSON: Well, the city had nothing but love for us, you know, they knew what we were trying to do, making this film, and they definitely wanted to see it right. Of course, you have your NWA fans, heckling you, you know, making sure you get it right. (CROSSTALK) MITCHELL: Easy E memorabilia. JACKSON: And they were with open arms. They want to see this right, just like we do. They have people camping out on their roofs, you know. HARRIS-PERRY: Marco Rubio tweeted not once but twice -- to go see it. HAWKINS: That was crazy. HARRIS-PERRY: Would you invite him to the premiere? JACKSON: All politicians. HARRIS-PERRY: All of them, yes, no debate, just come watch the premiere with you guys. JACKSON: We finished filming and doing the press tour and everything, but we know we can`t exhale yet because it still has to be released to the world and the world still has to get it. You know, they still have to understand that we need to find just how NWA took all their pain and anger and used it in a creative manner. We need to find a creative way of solutions for these problems. HAWKINS: Exactly. JACKSON: Protesting and all that is cool, but we need to start finding solutions. HARRIS-PERRY: My favorite idea of the week if you guys end up watching this film together with all of the candidates on the left and the right, Democratic and Republican Party, I will -- man, that would be some kind of excitement. O`Shea Jackson Jr., Corey Hawkins and to Jason Mitchell, these guys have been a riot. Thank you. (END VIDEOTAPE) HARRIS-PERRY: "Straight Outta Compton" opens in theatres this Friday. Coming up, we`ll go live to Ferguson, Missouri, one year after the death of Michael Brown. There`s more MHP show at the top of the hour. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: Welcome back. I`m Melissa Harris-Perry. Today Ferguson is remembering the one-year anniversary the day Michael Brown was shot and killed by Officer Darren Wilson. The community is commemorating the anniversary with a weekend long series of events that begin Friday and will continue through tomorrow. Yesterday, Brown`s father, Michael Brown Sr. led a march that began at the memorial on Ferguson`s Canfield Drive that marks the place where his son was killed. Another march planned for today will stop just before noon local time for a moment of silence at the time Brown was killed. MSNBC reporter Amanda Sakuma has been covering the anniversary events all weekend, she joins me now from Ferguson. Amanda, what have you been hearing and seeing from people there this weekend? AMANDA SAKUMA, MSNBC NATIONAL REPORTER: Good morning, Melissa. Folks are already gathering at the site where Michael Brown died. At that memorial side, there are candles, there are teddy bears that are lining the street where his blood had stained the pavement there, has since then been paved over. And folks are gathering after meeting for church early this morning. They are ready for the silent march that will move on to greater St. Mark`s Church later this afternoon. Now, this is really a marking point for the black lives matter movement that really began here after Michael Brown`s death. There have been a number of different events over the weekend. Yesterday, there are another march in the St. Louis area that block the major thoroughfare there folks, by the hundreds were gathering and this is really the protest groups that began in Ferguson, these are the grassroots organizers that in the most purist sense that they`re not organizers, they`re not trained, they didn`t have any leadership. And so, yesterday was really a point where they were looking book and seen how far they`ve come and really galvanizing this movement to make it a national movement. As we saw yesterday, we saw black lives matter where there in Seattle to block, democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders. So, you can see just how far this movement has come but today is really a day to commemorate Michael Brown and his death and what it really means and where this all started. HARRIS-PERRY: So, Amanda talk to me a little bit about what other kinds of events are planned. We`ve also heard that there are some direct action protests over the course of the next couple of days that we should be expecting? SAKUMA: They are pointing at the Moral Mondays as we`ve seen in other acts, and it`s a 12 hour from midnight to midnight, series of actions, they`re keeping a tight lid on what exactly they want to do. But we do expect sit-ins, we do expect acts of civil disobedience, really harkening back on the civil rights movement and really meshing the two movements together with Black Lives Matter and we have many members of the clergy who have been leading these actions. We expect Dr. Cornell west to be in town later this evening, he will be speaking to many of these issues. And so, we`re seeing members of the clergy also leading training courses for folks here, learning how to deescalate any situations if they get in any tense clashes with police. They`ve really emphasize that they want folks to deescalate any type of situation so that they keep the movement and the message forward without anything mattering or cluttering that message. HARRIS-PERRY: Thank you to MSNBC`s Amanda Sakuma in Ferguson, Missouri this morning. One year ago today Ferguson took its place among the definitive spaces in the struggle for racial justice when the shooting death of Michael Brown prompted a movement to articulate and amplify a call for change. Out of the weeks of chaos following Brown`s killing by Ferguson police officer Darren Wilson, emerge the set of demand from activists who called for action and institutional reform from both local and national government officials. And over the last year, some of their agenda items have been realized, their meaningful changes in Ferguson. Others remain unaddressed. Last hour, we talked about one of the biggest checkmarks on their list, the demand for the Department of Justice to investigate the shooting and broader claims of police civil rights violations. The report effectively ended hopes of one of the movement`s most immediate demands for the prosecution of Officer Darren Wilson. After a grand jury decided against indictment, the DOJ concluded that he was not in violation of any federal civil rights laws but the release of the DOJ`s damning Ferguson report did lead to another of the movement`s priorities. The removal of Ferguson police Chief Tom Jackson. Jackson resigned along with string of other Ferguson officials who were implicated by the DOJ report. He was replaced by interim Chief Anderson and he joined other new African- American city official in Ferguson including an interim city manager, a municipal judge and two city councilmen was elected in April. The new judge Don McCullin has made significant strides towards the movement`s demand of the decriminalization of poverty. He leads (INAUDIBLE) some that has replaced the crippling times and the jail terms for some minor offenses with being like community service and more manageable fines and at the state level, Missouri Governor Jay Nixon signed a sweeping municipal reform bill ending predatory practices against impoverished people but the movements demands for policing reforms have been met with mixed results. Their call for front-facing cameras was answered last year in September when Ferguson officers began wearing them on their uniforms and President Obama partially addressed their critiques of police militarization when he announced a policy in May to end some of the transfers of combat gear to local law enforcement. But changes in the racial makeup of the Ferguson Police Department have fallen far short of the movement`s desire for a more representative police force. And according to the Associated Press, the Department has increased the number of African-American officers from three out of 50 to five. Including the interim chief. And those still living in the community where Michael Brown died say, they haven`t seen much difference in their day-to-day interactions with the police. The "New York Times" reports people in Ferguson`s African-American neighborhoods, quote, "Say the police still treat residents suspiciously, still bark questions, still make arrests for what they consider trivial charges." All of which tells us that if the past year provided proof that this movement is effective, the present reminds us that it is also still essential. Joining me now is Marc Steiner, host of "The Marc Steiner Show" and founder of the Center for Emerging Media. Jelani Cobb, associate professor of the University of Connecticut and staff writer at the Phillip Atiba Goff, professor of social psychology at UCLA and president of the Center for Policing Equity. And Reverend Dr. Jacqui Lewis, senior minister for the Middle Collegiate Church. And in Ferguson I`m joined by Antonio French, Alderman, the 21st ward in St. Louis. Alderman French can you help me, if you had to say what is difference in Ferguson one year later, how would you characterize it? ANTONIO FRENCH, ALDERMAN, 21ST WARD IN ST. LOUIS: Well, I`d say the main difference is that our conversation was started a year ago that has helped move the region forward a bit. We have not seen the kind of progress that we would hope to have seen a year later. It is still a fight that many people are engaged in and try to make this city and this entire region more representative and more inclusive of the entire population. But there has been some progress. HARRIS-PERRY: So Alderman French, you know, one of the things I was talking about here is the new judge and the new police chief, but these are very tenuous positions. This judge is right at the age where he will be forced into a position of retirement. You know, obviously you`re talking about an interim person and the police chief role. Are people feeling like there have been changes but that they`re not really instantiated yet? FRENCH: Well, we`ve seen some new faces in different positions, but what the DOJ report really showed was a system that in fact really preyed on African-Americans and poor citizens. And that system has not been dismantled or change to any degree that is satisfactory yet. And so, we have some different people in the system but the system itself remains, and so even in the court system, though we have a different judge in Ferguson, the court system is still vigorously prosecuting people who were arrested last year for instance for noise violations during the protest. Those people are still being prosecuted today. People are still being arrested and ticketed in large numbers, and so the system itself still needs to be changed. HARRIS-PERRY: So, stick with us Alderman, don`t go away. But Jelani, just before we sort of came on air, you and I were chatting about New Orleans, because we`re almost at the ten years since the tragedy that is hurricane Katrina. And you know, I remember these markers when people would say it`s one year later, what`s changed? Five years later, what`s changed? Ten years later, that`s right, something happened and I guess part of what I`m wondering is whether or not even in our system about asking what has changed we`re missing kind of the point of what the Ferguson story was. JELANI COBB, ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR, UNIVERSITY OF CONNECTICUT: Well, I think in some ways and even 50 years after Watts which is also this month people asking the question what has changed and what remained remarkably consistent is the ways in which we treat poor people in the country. And until we can address the root causes of the poverty, so we look at Ferguson wrongly as a kind of exceptional circumstance, the highlighted that the Police Department was largely dependent upon revenue that it was raising, extracting from poor people. That that is consistent when we go through lots of poor communities. And somebody in Ferguson was unfairly singled out. Because if the problem were merely isolated to them, we would not be in bad shape but the very same dynamics that started the Watts riot in 1965 with a growing black population and previously before World War II been a largely white population, white largely community, the same kind of thing happens, you know, last year in Ferguson and this is what we find is like incredibly consistent for the same reasons. HARRIS-PERRY: So, Alderman, let me come back to you on that because I was also, you know, now we`ve talked about Watts, we`ve talked about New Orleans. I also have been thinking about it, almost like Selma, you know, we were all back in Selma so recently marking that 50th for the voting rights act, Selma which changed the country. But then when you actually look at Selma itself, still a place of so much economic and racial dis- privilege. And I guess I`m wondering, you know, a year after this sort of the dis-nascent Black Lives Matter Movement begins in Ferguson, whether or not Ferguson has changed the rest of the country but then not itself in the sense of being able to do it right there locally. FRENCH: Right, right. So there have been a lot of municipalities and cities across the country that learned from the lessons of Ferguson from last year, but unfortunately in many ways Ferguson and surrounding municipalities have not yet. And so, these things never happen quickly. Those of us who were out here last year knew that we were signing up for the long haul and the year`s long battle and movement here. And so, you know, I`m excited about some of the progress that has been made, most excited about the kind of activitism as I was saying especially among young people, which gives me a lot of hope that we`re going to really push through and better our community because of it. HARRIS-PERRY: Stick with us. Don`t go away. But Marc, let me come out to you. Because the last time you were here, you were sitting on the other side of me. We were talking about Baltimore. MARC STEINER, HOST, "THE MARC STEINER SHOW": Right. HARRIS-PERRY: Which is where you are. You know, again, I have my interview with the attorney general who was sworn in on the day but your beloved city exploded. Talk to me about how Ferguson and the Black Lives Movement has informed what have been happening in Baltimore since the death of Freddie Gray. STEINER: Well, it seems to me as we speak, there are 15 people in Baltimore City now in Ferguson. The family of Tyrone West, family of Freddie Gray are in Ferguson, activists in Baltimore working where they are working to meet the folks from Ferguson. Because one of the things that is interesting, is that what spawned is an organizing movement. We might not be seeing the changes. After a year or two, Black Lives Matter is only two years old. HARRIS-PERRY: Right. STEINER: Right? And what we see though -- HARRIS-PERRY: Well, I would make a claim that is older, it`s just -- I`m going to let that go. So, yes. STEINER: The movement, the new movement Black Lives Matter after Trayvon died, Trayvon Martin died. Anyway, so what happened is people are organizing on the ground, they`re creating their own counter institutions, they`re beginning to organize politically, socially, culturally, that`s where the change is going to come from. You`re not going to see it necessarily in terms of municipality but you`re going to see it in terms of what`s happening in the community out, that`s where the changes is going to come. HARRIS-PERRY: All right. So, Phillip, but I want to get into the institutional piece though because what we just heard from the Alderman was okay, you know, the immediate changes, the changes that can come in a year are those of changing the characters who are playing these roles, but the roles themselves, and it is meaningfully difficult to say let`s shift this, but the power of that DOJ report was this thing is rotten. It is a mess in terms of its structure. How close are we to making change there? PHILLIP ATIBA GOFF, PROFESSOR OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, UCLA: In terms of the structure of policing in America, we have only just begun to sniff at what a beginning would look like. And so, I appreciate that we`re honoring the one-year anniversary and honoring the 50-year anniversary. I want to go back just a little bit further and make sure we have the 150th in place. Because what the 150th anniversary of the civil war ending and almost in December the 13th amendment. So immediately after emancipation what happens? We have people who are put into an economic form of bondage and we start the beginning of swearing in police officers to do the job of putting these folks in their place, keeping them there, both economically and physically. When have we reckoned with that? We talk about slavery as an original sin of the country, then how we atoned for it if we replaced one set of slavery with a different set of slavery. That is not to say obviously that that`s -- HARRIS-PERRY: You know -- GOFF: I`ve been working with police departments. HARRIS-PERRY: Yes. All right. (LAUGHTER) GOFF: That`s not to say that officers are, you know, signed up for that job, but if we`re only now getting the first federal documents that say, there`s a kleptocratic component to what some law enforcement are doing, right? HARRIS-PERRY: Yep. GOFF: Right? Then, we`re only now beginning to figure out what got put in place 150 years ago. HARRIS-PERRY: Yep. So, Alderman, let me come to you on exactly on that economic piece, because part of what`s happened is we`ve heard officials there in Ferguson say, look, DOJ, we`d be happy to put this in place but it will bankrupt our city. The way that we form revenue is by giving three, four, five tickets for every stop and actually rejecting the consent decree. FRENCH: Exactly. So it is about this system in place, and the system right now relies upon revenue generated by basically a system of taxation by citation of poor people and that system has to be transformed and remodeled and so for cities the size of Ferguson, even smaller in the St. Louis region, that means looking at how your income is generated, looks at the system of taxation, replacing taxation by citation or perhaps higher property tax or another form of taxation or in some cases dismantling. You know, the city the size of 900 people perhaps doesn`t need its own police department or doesn`t need its own city government and should perhaps merge with some other governments. So, these are conversations that have to happen on a local level here in St. Louis. They have started, but we have not seen them reach fruition or any kind of level of satisfaction yet. HARRIS-PERRY: Thank you to Alderman Antonio French in Ferguson, Missouri. It has after all only been a year. And as Phillip just reminded us, it took us 150 years after the civil war apparently to bring down the confederate flag, so who knows. But thank you for joining us. Stay right there. We have so much more this morning. Up next, policing in America. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: The new requirement for Ferguson police to wear body cameras was among the reforms won by activists after Michael Brown was killed. And President Obama and Attorney General Loretta Lynch helped to promote national adoption of that reform with the December announcement of $75 million grant program that would allow police departments across the country to adopt body-worn cameras for their officers. But as we have seen in the years since Mike Brown`s death, cameras have often been a tool to show us just how much things have remained the same. It was an officer`s body cam that just three weeks ago captured the shooting death of Samuel Debose during a traffic stop in Cincinnati. And it was a dash cam that just the week before recorded the violent police interaction that Sandra Bland endured. Also during a traffic stop before she died in a Texas jail. In April an officer-worn camera showed us the fatal shooting of Eric Harris, shot by an insurance executive moonlighting of a Tulsa Reserve deputy who said he accidentally pulled his gun instead of his taser. Just this Wednesday a civil lawsuit filed in the Los Angeles superior court claims videos from police body cameras disputes the LAPD`s account of a fatal shooting of a homeless Cameroonian national on LA`s skidrow in March. Philip, you are the policing guy. So, cameras was what we thought would help, I mean, that was like the media demand, if only we have cameras and then what the cameras have done is mostly show us a lot more of it. GOFF: Yes. This is not and I told you so, sort of moment, but I`ve been pushing back on camera since the very beginning because of the accountability structures aren`t set up, that all we`re going to show is police doing exactly the things that they think they can. I think Ferguson is the exact perfect example. Because in one case you have the civil rights saying, we cannot charge the individual, but look at how feted and disgusting that the department is. Right. We in this country are really much better at figuring out patterns and practice than we are coming to terms and grips with the ways in which our character has been tainted by the stain and the sin of this stuff. And so body cameras will be helpful in raising awareness, and growing public will, but unless they are connected with the actual accountability measures such that money that`s gotten from communities goes back to communities, and that the standard is proportional to the offense and not proportional to my fear, which by the way is the case in the UK, which is one of the many reasons why there is less officer-related violence in the UK, until we get to that, then body cameras are just going to be a reflection of our current character, not of our aspirational one. HARRIS-PERRY: Reverend Jacqui, he spoke this useful language of how our character is stain by the sin of the institutions in which we find ourselves. REV. DR. JACQUI LEWIS, MIDDLE COLLEGIATE CHURCH: I`m so glad to hear you say that. Because that`s exactly what we`re talking about. To me what`s going on right now, it`s the revealing of the spiritual issue at work here, which is that the deepest issue in America right now is the sin of white supremacy, and all the ways it is propagated and I know we don`t all like the word white supremacy, so we can call it racism and some people like to call it unconscious bias and conscious bias, but that sounds nicer or white privilege. But in fact, our nation is built on this lie that Thomas Jefferson puts into place when he has a suspicion that the negro is less and we have a whole infrastructure or whole state-run corporations around the idea of black folks lives actually don`t matter, and as a Christian pastor I`m saying that`s a sin that we need to confess and address. If every church this morning isn`t talking about this just a little bit, if the synagogues and mosques don`t talk about this a little bit, that racism in America is what kills. Racism in America is what kills, and just to say if you could have, if you could have Eric Garner choked to death on camera, and Officer Pantaleo still works there, I`m deeply concerned about that sin. HARRIS-PERRY: Well, again, you know, it`s hard for me to think about any of it outside the context of the tenure of Katrina but I just, you know, I kind of want to say we all watch Katrina happen live on air. We know that the broadcast of human suffering especially of black bodies does not inherently or necessarily bring with it justice, but the two of you have done an interesting thing here by talking about this kind of institutional position, and then also bringing us back to a kind of internal ethical, moral question. You do work at "The New Yorker" Jelani and so probably if you`re sitting here, I should ask about the fact that one of the ways that this moment has been marked is that "The New Yorker" did a profile of Officer Darren Wilson that I think many people have a lot of angst about. COBB: I mean, it`s interesting. I read that profile before it was published. And I kind of suspected that people would have the reaction to it although that was not the reaction that I had. Because people thought it was somehow of an attempt to humanize him but when I finished -- HARRIS-PERRY: Well, he is human. COBB: Right. HARRIS-PERRY: It is important, he`s human. Yes. COBB: When I finished the story, I didn`t think he looked better for it. Like what it seemed like, this was a person who had a tremendous absence of self-awareness, and a very kind of emblematic American innocence wherein he just kind of says, well I can`t think about this, this person is gone, I`m not going to engage this but then says black people are concerned about trying to use excuses, that racism happened to their grandparents, while working for a police department that is actively exploiting people on the basis of their skin color. HARRIS-PERRY: Okay, and so that for me was the most interesting part of the profile, Phillip, and part of why I wanted to hear because when I read the profile, yes, there is the back story on Wilson but the part that I zeroed in on is in the academy what he was taught, right? And this idea that over and over again these young men show up in the academy, and they are taught if you don`t pull that gun, you`re dead. If you don`t take the shot first, you`re dead. When you shoot, shoot to kill, like this fear, intensity driven it and I just keep thinking no, training alone is not going to solve but I also feel like we got to talk about this structure that they`re part of. GOFF: Right, but the training, the way in which it makes the biggest impact, training will communicate the values and the culture of a department. So, if you have a culture that believes you`re geared up for war every day. Right? HARRIS-PERRY: And give you more gear to carry around. GOFF: Give you more gear and then prepares you with the soldier`s mentality that says, you need to be prepared to kill people in order to go home safe. When you do that, the you have a department that does that. I have to say it`s always important to get the other side of that, which is that the training does a particular kind of work. In July I read the profile and I thought similar sorts of things but the training is happening within a context where I have to go back to the Alderman`s comments. Ferguson depended on economic exploitation of black people. HARRIS-PERRY: Say it again. GOFF: Ferguson is depended on the economic racism, it put out through its Police Department and when we`re still depending on that, how on earth can anybody claim innocence and protest innocence as a kind of moral self- defense. HARRIS-PERRY: Right. GOFF: That for me is the biggest issue. (TALKING OVER EACH OTHER) HARRIS-PERRY: Stick with us, I promise, we have the whole rest of the hour on this side. I`m going to say good-bye to Phillip Atiba Goff at this point, but the rest of the panel is going to be back later in the program. Up next, I`m going to talk about a new story, the report of an unarmed teenager shot and killed by a police officer in Arlington, Texas. Don`t go away, much more on Ferguson. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: Early Friday morning in Arlington, Texas, an unarmed teenager was shot and killed by a police officer in training. Officer Brad Miller who is now on administrative leave shot and killed 19-year-old Christian Taylor around 1:00 a.m. Friday. Police say, Miller was responding to a burglar alarm at a car dealership after Taylor crashed the car through the showroom window. This is surveillance video from the dealerships Security Company shows Taylor in the minutes before police arrived. The exact sequence of events that followed is still unclear. Barely a week ago, the teenager tweeted, quote, "I don`t want to die too young." Joining me now from Arlington, Texas, MSNBC`s Adam Reese. Adam, the video we saw of Taylor shows what happened before his encounter with the police. Do we know if any other video exists in this case? ADAM REESE, MSNBC CORRESPONDENT: We don`t. Good morning, Melissa. We don`t at this point. We have reached out to the Police Department to see, we have video outside as you`ve seen. We have a 911 call but we don`t know if there`s video inside the show room that would show the struggle and the shooting. The police chief here in Arlington has asked the FBI to join the investigation. He said it will be thorough and transparent. Now that video that you`ve seen outside, it shows Christian Taylor ramming the front gate. He`s then jumping up and down on a car. He rips off the windshield, he then rams his car into the front plate glass window of this show room. That is when the 911 call goes in, burglary in progress. Police show up here, they surround the perimeter. Officer Miller chases Taylor to the back of the showroom. There`s some struggle, and that is when he is shot four times after he had asked him to lie down, police say he didn`t lie down, Christian Taylor was not armed at the time. (BEGIN VIDEO CLIP) WILL JOHNSON, CHIEF ARLINGTON POLICE: Equally important to the investigative process is an acknowledgment in this instance, has not occurred in isolation. But rather it has occurred as our nation has been wrestling with the topics of social injustice, inequities, racism, and police misconduct. We recognize the importance of these topics, the impact these issues have on communities throughout our nation, and we pledge to act in a transparent manner in an effort to alleviate these concerns. (END VIDEO CLIP) REESE: Now Officer Miller`s 49 years old, he was a Rookie, just joined in September. He had graduated from the academy in March. He`s technically still an officer in training, going around with a training officer. He is now on administrative duty. He has not been questioned yet. That is part of the process here, they give him a few days. I can tell you, as you mentioned earlier, Melissa, Christian Taylor tweeted just a week ago, "I don`t want to die too young" -- Melissa. HARRIS-PERRY: Thank you MSNBC Adam Reese in Arlington, Texas. And up next, the psychological impact of the movement. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: Thursday marked the 50th anniversary of President Lyndon Johnson signing the voting rights act into law. I had the honor of joining President Obama, Congressman John Lewis and Attorney General Loretta Lynch in commemorating that anniversary. And before the President spoke about the VRA, he shared some words about Congressman Lewis who was brutalized on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in 1965 at the training point moment of the civil rights struggle that we now referred to as bloody Sunday. (BEGIN VIDEO CLIP) PRES. BARACK OBAMA (D), UNITED STATES: I love john Lewis. (CHEERS AND APPLAUSE) And I don`t know where he gets the energy, where he gets the drive what stores of passion, he`s still labeled to muster. After fighting the good fight for so long. (END VIDEO CLIP) HARRIS-PERRY: Lewis` leadership was pivotal on that bridge. But his contributions did not cease in 1965. Jon Lewis is not some icon. He`s an active, accountable and engaged today as he was five decades ago. During the 1970s Lewis worked to register millions of voters as the director of the voter education projects. In 1981, he was elected to the Atlanta City council and since 1986, Lewis represented Georgia`s fifth Congressional district in Congress where he has separated substantive legislative efforts to alleviate poverty, expand health care and protect the voting rights. He`s a "New York Times" bestselling author of graphic novels based on his civil rights activism. All this -- who was arrested 40 times and subjected to brutal physical violence all in an effort to access the most basic rights of citizenship. It`s no wonder a man as accomplished as President Obama still stands in awe when in the presence of John Lewis. But sustaining the struggle can exact an emotional, physical and spiritual cost from activists. Joining my panel in New York is Dante Barry, executive director of the million hoodies movement for justice. And joining me from Ferguson is Dr. Marva Robinson, licensed clinical psychologist and president of the St. Louis Chapter of the Association of Black Psychologists. Dr. Robinson, maybe I can begin with you. You`ve been with us really from the beginning days there a year ago. How would you assess the community`s mental health at this moment? DR. MARVA ROBINSON, LICENSED CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGIST: I would say that it has been very trying it`s been very difficult. We`ve definitely have seen some of the results that we may have expected, such as children struggling in school families having a difficult time coping and trying to move forward, a lot of mental fatigue and overabundance of toxic stress. So, it`s been very difficult. But what I can say is that it hasn`t slowed down the spirit of the activists here, they still continued to move forward, they still continued to march onward. And so, you have, you know, organizations like mine that continue to be here to offer the support that`s needed. HARRIS-PERRY: Stick with us. I`m going to come to the table for a second. Donte, I want to play for you. I asked John Lewis about Black Lives Matter movement because sometimes as a weird generational thing that happened, as I wanted to hear what his thoughts were on it. (BEGIN VIDEO CLIP) HARRIS-PERRY: The young people in the Black Lives Matter movement are not being quiet. They`re getting in the way all over the country. I`m wondering what do you think about that movement. REP. JOHN LEWIS (D), GEORGIA: I`d like to see more of them get in the way. (LAUGHTER) (APPLAUSE) LEWIS: I like to see all of the one with us getting in the way, and it doesn`t matter, whether they are Black, White, Latino, Asian-American, Native American, we`re all, let`s get in the way. HARRIS-PERRY: Here`s the one who`s been in this game for 50 years, saying, oh yes, more, more Black Lives Matter movement, thank you. But it`s taxing, it`s real, the effects. DANTE BARRY, THE MILLION HOODIES MOVEMENT FOR JUSTICE: Absolutely. I think after every single time we share from the media about another black person getting killed by a police officer or a shooting happening at a church or another burning or a confederate flag and it`s taxing and it`s exhausting and part of this being an organizer, being an activist in the movement is thinking about how do we create self-care for ourselves and also, how do we heal through this process. I think John Lewis is a perfect example of someone who has been able to heal through a process and also be in a leadership inside the institution along with this process. So I think it`s a really, really important for activists all over the country to really think reflect over the times that we have right now, and also remain strong because it`s going to be a long, long time before we actually get the freedom that we want. HARRIS-PERRY: Marc, you`ve been engaging about as long as Lewis in these moments, as long as we`ve always love having you here impart of because of the stories you tell and yet, I just keep thinking, you do this and we lionize people without saying, know when someone abuses you when you`re in fear for your life, these are real traumas and lasting ones. STEINER: They are real traumas. Anybody who went through the civil rights movement and they get affected by it, I was arrested, you know, beaten by the police, put cigarettes out on my body to make me do things I wouldn`t do, and so that`s very real. This is not something people make up and it`s terrifying and it`s part of this terror of America but I think what`s happening here, to me what gives me hope seeing John Lewis, seeing Dante here, I saw the first time but I saw -- show the other which was inspiring is that something is afoot here in America and I`m inspired by it. What`s afoot here is, after hundreds of years of exploitation on black bodies in this country, some people are waking up. The Black Lives Matter movement, the new one, the last two years is waking people up in America and people are being confronted by racism that they have never been confronted with before in America, never, not this way. In your face all the time, on the TV, in every tweet, everything goes out. And what`s happening is that people, we`re forcing people to wrestle with it, to deal with it, to look at you in the eye. I think things are moving and I hate seeing pictures of people dying, Sandra Bland being pulled out of the car makes me sick. They`re beating my babies, you know what I`m saying? HARRIS-PERRY: Yes. STEINER: But what it does say is we are moving ahead. This is the pain that`s riding to something new in this country that I feel that`s happening. Maybe I`m being overly optimistic and naive. HARRIS-PERRY: Dr. Robinson, I want to come back to you. I heard from Dante the word self-care for activists. What does that hook like in a real way, like if you had to write the little textbook about how to provide some self-care for activists? ROBINSON: Some of the basic things that we talk about is making sure that activists track how much sleep they`re getting. Oftentimes we have activists that are out for 48 hours straight without ever stopping to even take a nap. We make sure they track how much water they`re drinking, if they`re eating three meals a day. Some of those basic self-care things to just make sure it can stay functioning and then we offer other tools and tips like journaling. So, if you have thoughts that you want to get out but there`s no one there that can listen to you. You can write it down and then process later, and then we offer a lot of listening groups and opening sessions for activists, so we always encourage them to come out and share with like-minded people about what they`re feeling, what the struggles are, how real it is and being able to process that with inclinations where a culturally confident to do so. HARRIS-PERRY: Dr. Robinson, I know, I mean, it must sound basic to people to hear water and sleep but as you were talking, I just want you to know that Dante was here at the table just basically having an amen corner about the fact that apparently he has not taken a nap or had any water or three meals probably since the death of Trayvon Martin. I want to say thank you Dr. Marva Robinson in Ferguson, Missouri. Please do continue to care for yourself. We`ve got much more at the table here when we come back. Because up next, keeping Black Lives Matter at the forefront of the political discourse. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: Yesterday just under a month after protesting on stage at the annual Netroots Nation Conference Black Lives Matter protesters took a stage at the rally for democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders in Seattle. Just as Sanders approached the podium to address the crowd two young demonstrators jumped on stage to take the microphone. (BEGIN VIDEO CLIP) MARISSA JOHNSON, BLACK LIVES MATTER PROTESTERS: Right now we are going to honor this space and we are going to honor the memory of Michael Brown, and we are going to honor all of the black lives lost this year, and we`re going to honor the fact that I have to fight through all of these people to say my life matters! (END VIDEO CLIP) HARRIS-PERRY: This is not the first time Bernie Sanders and other presidential candidates liked Martin O`Malley have faced Black Lives Matters protesters while campaigning. What do we make of this particular interaction? I know what my table makes of it. Joining me now from Ferguson, Missouri, is Tef Poe, St. Louis native artist and co-founder of Hands Up United. Nice to have you, Tef. Can you talk to me a minute about the kind of direct action strategy here, the idea of interrupting and sort of what value that has and what kind of action that is? TEF POE, CO-FOUNDER, HANDS UP UNITED: Well, I believe that on a certain level, when we say Black Lives Matter there`s still a demographic of the country of the world of this society that just doesn`t hear us, they don`t understand us. So at this point in time, at this particular point we`re at in history, disruption is so valuable to the movement, it`s so valuable to having our voices heard. Essentially you`re looking at a community of people that remains voiceless, unless someone does something over the top like throw a brick through a window or some form of civil disobedience. So, I think that when you see peaceful demonstrations like this, this is simply nothing more than people trying to be heard and trying to go about it the right way. HARRIS-PERRY: This point of disruption, Jacqui feels critical to me. That at every point, movements that have made a difference had to disrupt. LEWIS: That`s exactly right. I like to call it an ethical spectacle. HARRIS-PERRY: Ethical spectacle, I like that. LEWIS: Isn`t that great? And one of the things that I`m really loving about the young people that are leading this movement, this young queer black people, these amazing activists, they`re showing us prophetic grief. So they took their rage, they took their disappointment, they took their anger. Yes, they went to the streets, much of it peaceful but they also got smart and popped the ideological bubble. This is a lie. Our lives don`t matter enough, and let`s make strategies and tactics to make it happen. And so, now this movement is everywhere. I feel hope, old white people in a group called surge, a whole bunch of older white clergy always working together against racism seek Muslim Jewish colleagues at the auburn seminary working together even today to put a call out for a thing that we all can do, which is to sign on to the end racial profiling act, you know, it got introduced in April. HARRIS-PERRY: Yep. LEWIS: Is there`s a lot of momentum now so if everybody can go to the NAACP website and make a thing, make a letter, so that disrupts, what`s happening -- HARRIS-PERRY: A thing that actually like -- and Jelani, what I -- yes, and part of what I love about this disruption is that it is disreputable. Like, if you watch that without the sound, you`re like what in the world is going on? What is happening? But like so much, I mean, again we talked about the `80s earlier, NWA and the disruption that that was. Sometimes you have to be able to just jump in there and be like I`m not following the rules. COBB: I agree. I think that it`s a matter of targets though. Like I would be inclined to say, somebody like Bernie Sanders so you can actually get into a room with and say, these are what our demands are, these are what our issues are as opposed to someone like Donald Trump, someone like Marco Rubio, someone like Ted Cruz who is actually -- HARRIS-PERRY: But they`re not really disrupting Bernie Sanders, right? It`s the camera, right? It`s the hype for the camera. BARRY: I think also it`s important to know about -- for the left side, it`s that Hillary Clinton, and Bernie Sanders, Martin O`Malley, no one is safe. Right? It`s guaranteed that way, not all black people are going to go to Hillary, not all black people are going to go to Martin O`Malley, not all black people are going to go to Bernie Sanders. HARRIS-PERRY: You have to earn our vote. BARRY: You have to earn your vote. And particularly for black women. Black women turn out the most votes. So, like I think -- HARRIS-PERRY: Amen! Yes! Why doesn`t anybody in the Democratic Party know this! BARRY: Exactly. All of their talking points, all of their rhetoric and all of their issues are in the face of black women. HARRIS-PERRY: Uh-mm. BARRY: And I think ultimately, when we get into this conversation about policing, we need to have more transformative ideas and lots of reactionary ideas. So, I think what we`ve seen over the last year, we`ve seen task forces been formed, we`ve seen funny for body cameras, but none of it is actually changing the relationship between the police and -- HARRIS-PERRY: So, Tef Poe, in this last moments here, give me a sense then of what -- this is a call for more creative, more intense way of thinking about change. Give me a sense of what that might look like. POE: I mean, if you look at the actions in Bernie Sanders, for example, they moved Hillary Clinton. Prior to this, Hillary Clinton came to St. Louis, Missouri and she literally quoted all lives matter. The next week she wrote on Facebook with three paragraphs saying, Black Lives Matter. My question to her is, did they matter when your husband bombed the hospital in Somalia? And this is the type of things that we`re dealing with. We`re trying to move targets with concrete political analysis. And it`s just not a matter of picking people for the sake of picking people, to disrupt, but actually being very calculated and very strategic about what targets we select. HARRIS-PERRY: Tef Poe, you have a shirt on that says, "This ain`t your mama`s civil rights movement," is that right? POE: Yes, it is. HARRIS-PERRY: So just, again, we have about 20 seconds, tell me how this movement is different. POE: I mean, it walks different. I mean, I`m on national TV with a bunch of tattoos on my hands and my bull cap on backwards. HARRIS-PERRY: That`s right. POE: Had Ferguson never occurred, this would never happened. I mean, the voiceless would still be voiceless. So, I mean, we would not have a space or any capacity to be heard whatsoever. And I think that in the wake of this anniversary, we should remember that. HARRIS-PERRY: Tef Poe in the Ferguson, Missouri. Thank you so much for joining us here in New York. POE: Thank you. HARRIS-PERRY: Thank you to Marc Steiner, and to Jelani Cobb and to Dante Barry and to the Reverend Dr. Jacqui Lewis. Up next, remembering Michael Brown. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) HARRIS-PERRY: Michael Brown, Jr. was born May 20th, 1996. His mother is Leslie McFadden. His father is Michael Brown, Sr. He grew up surrounded by loving parents, grandparents, and his younger sister. As a teen, Michael played video games, he chilled out with friends and cousins and dreamed of a music career. He liked Kendrick Lamar, he had even begun to create some music of his own in early 2014. After struggling in an underperforming Ferguson area school system that overwhelmingly served black students, Michael found a way to finish up and graduate. He received his high school diploma on August 14, 2014. Eight days later he was shot dead. Shot and killed by a police officer. Michael Brown was 18 and unarmed. Black Lives Matter. That`s our show for today. Thanks to you at home for watching. I`ll see you next Saturday at 10:00 a.m. Eastern. Now, it`s time for preview of "WEEKENDS WITH ALEX WITT." THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED. END